STATEMENT by H.E. Mr.Volodymyr LYTVYN, Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine at the Opening of the 7th Session of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the 4th Convocation

   
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    Dear People’s Deputies
    Dear Members of the Government, Leaders of the Judicial System, Journalists
    Dear guests,
    
    It’s quite evident that the main peculiarities of this session will be stipulated by the recent Presidential campaign and its results.
    
    The matter is not only one of and not so much about the Ukrainian elections, which crowned the record electoral year in the world. In 2004 over 1 billion people from 60 countries elected Presidents and members of the Parliaments. Notwithstanding, the world practice knows nothing like what we experienced during the last half a year.
    
    In fact the elections in Ukraine have gone through the political crisis and even revolution, if you please. And first of all, because people said they did not accept such a power, such a policy, a way of life according to such standards, rules and canons. This is the key essence of everything that happened in Ukraine.
    
    We happened to be a step away from the large-scale civil conflict, from the tearing of the country to pieces. And it was Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine that protected the society and the country – by its discretion and responsibility, as well as its resolutions and actions. It protected the society by taking all the responsibility in the critically decisive period and proving that policy is the art of both the possible and the impossible.
    
    I have to speak about that taking into account the growing number of people who declare that it was they who “made weather in our home” in November-December 2004.
    
    I would like to extend my gratitude to the People’s Deputies of Ukraine, to the Ukrainian Parliament, to everybody who really made contribution being decisive consolidating force at that disturbing time.
    
    We received – as a draft for the time being – the image of the country to be built. What do we need to fill the today’s image with practical and substantive content?
    
    First and foremost, we should not only speak about the new power but establish it in such a way that it would fully measure up to expectations and hopes of the awaken society. Here “awaken” means, on one hand, that from now on the power has a permanent and demanding inspector and examiner. On the other hand, - that access to power of aq small group of people with unlimited possibilities is being blocked.
    
    It is worthwhile mentioning that for the first time the key positions in the country on such scales and levels – and it means totally – are being taken over by the post-war generation with only few people born during the war time holding to these positions. They, I mean our predecessors, had to live and act in a completely different environment. At present we need to project our own environment of a new quality shouldering full responsibility for chartering Ukraine’s new directions of development.
    
    Therefore, broad social trust, support and understanding of the Head of State are needed as ever today.
    
    Forming the Government of responsibility, really the Government of people’s trust is vital as ever.
    
    Bargaining with governmental appointments should be rejected. Instead, the President ought to be enabled to bear out the implementation of his program with his staff capacity.
    
    Within the system of power, social and political life there is a need to fix weighable and constructive presence of Verkhovna Rada strengthening its function of political control.
    
    It is high time that we should finally put into practice the notion of the structured cooperation of the branches of power. We have to come up with the legal harmonization of their relations in the nearest time, I mean during this session, by way of the adoption of the laws on the President of Ukraine, on the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, new statutory wordings on the National Security and Defense Council, on the Elections to Verkovna Rada and local self-governmental bodies.
    
    Only such approaches will make plans and intentions real to act quickly and effectively, to ensure “breakthroughs” first of all in economic area.
    
    The declared course for early integration into Europe obligates to consider more carefully such facts as Ukraine’s living standards being 3-7 times lower compared even to the new EU member-countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Therefore, it long requires economic policy aimed at double-quick accretion of the investment and innovation activities, which would provide for at least 15-20% of annual GDP growth.
    
    At the same time I would like to make a special emphasis: at the present stage foreign policy orientations should be squeezed into a tight fist of economic expediency taking into consideration historically motivated circumstances of Ukraine’s co-existence with Europe and the World.
    
    It also concerns, as you may understand, our relations with Russia. Otherwise, professing lofty ideals we will be climbing the stairs downwards.
    
    It stands to reason that the Program of Actions of the Government, which is to be considered by Verkhovna Rada, should be based on the founding provisions that won support of the Ukrainian people during election campaign.
    
    Clear definition of our perspectives is necessary to fulfill the third task – third by counting (arithmetically) but not in meaning. The task to revoke the divisions and to restore the unity of the country.
    
    This is the first time that we are getting over such a breakup in 13 years. Though different kinds of separatist initiatives were mainly of situational ad hoc nature with the smack of political spin-doctoring and were resorted to as the last strategic resource in the elections – including attempts to portray Ukraine as a security importer – no one can reject the problem.
    
    It brings a number of related issues on the agenda: regional policy, reforming of administrative and territorial order of the country, consolidation of local elite. It requires prompt and concerted legislative initiatives and practical steps from the President, Cabinet of Ministers and Verkhovna Rada.
    
    In this context, amendments to the Constitution concerning the issues of the local self-government acquire primary importance. One has to restrain political passions, to subordinate personal volition, vision of one’s place in the system of power and personal powers to the state, national interests.
    
    Here I deem it appropriate to dwell upon attempts to cast a doubt – including appeals to the Constitutional Court – on the December decision of Verkovna Rada about amendments to the Constitution. This is a dangerous play with possibly unpredictable consequences. Among them is a question concerning the law on the peculiarities of the elections of December 26. Raising this question means doubting the legitimacy of the elections, causing a splash of new confrontation, reanimation of skewed tendencies in the regions.
    
    Such forecast is quite logical since the package principle will be ruined. The principle that helped to comfort social passions and to keep reputation of all participants of this very complicated collision. For this reason it is not worth measuring who won and who lost. Maybe someone lost. But let us see – Ukraine, the people would have lost had we not come up with that decision. I think no one will take up to do such forecast. Neither will I.
    
    Let the past rest, let us think about future and work for it.
    
    Our society, our people have had enough of confrontation and hostilities, feuds and misfortunes that repetition of something similar in any form, format or expression will not be lived through again. One can not exist, to say correctly, survive in such an environment, getting from one crisis, from one breakup to another.
    
    It is neither life nor work but painful and fruitless self-torture.
    
    There is simply no limit of time left for new score settling. It would mean the loss of so hardly acquired chance to create qualitatively new authority, to strengthen the state, to build on open civil society.
    
    The question is: either to use these opportunities and chances purposefully, responsibly and successfully or stake it all again with a risk to lose it irrevocably.
    
    It is not meant to paint the situation too black, but real view of the Ukrainian political life.
    
    When one of Dovzhenko’s heroes was informed that his son had already destroyed twelve German tanks in a battle, the wise old man did not believe that and said: “It is either propaganda, or lies”. It was a separate episode, but we, I say it once again, are permanently living among propaganda and lies. And if we don’t put an end to suffocating atmosphere of lies, whispering, hypocrisy, eavesdropping of every and all we will not be able to make a step further than just talking about honest authority, transparent and open politics.
    
    Latest events have significantly influenced positions of our state in the world.
    
    There even appeared, without exaggeration, something similar to Ukraine’s going in fashion internationally.
    
    It certainly pleases. But it is necessary to take the full advantage of such volatile phenomenon to the benefit of the national interests. Though without letting it develop into someone's patronage or control over us so as to avoid redoing of the old popular song with the following words to political manner:
    
     Oh, there arrived the house painter from a foreign land,
     He who painted mother though lifeless.
     He who painted a face and also black eyebrows.
     But did not drawn a quiet dialog.
    
    I think allegory transpires rather expressively. Today we really need a quiet and well-thought dialog.
    
    Today it is necessary to demonstrate that Ukraine has its own clearly shaped strategic interests and is ready to assert them consistently. That is the fourth peculiarity and the requirement of time we are living in.
    
    The Ukrainian foreign policy should be modernized, oriented not only at strong local or global configurations and centers of influence, but also at perspectives concerning their redesigning and increase of own role in such conditions and processes. It is needed to accent on the quality of foreign policy that in its turn demands its intellectual intensification.
    
    We are constantly complaining of laxity in foreign and domestic policy of Ukraine forgetting that its elaboration is a constitutional duty of Verkhovna Rada.
    
    It is possible to produce such fundamental document only with joint efforts of the Parliament, the President and the Government.
    
    It should test our readiness to consolidated and fruitful cooperation.
    
    The present 7th session can and has to be the most fruitful in this convocation. There are quite a few potential possibilities and impetuses for the work to be done.
    
    These are newly-elected President, newly appointed Government (this question I am certain we will decide on shortly) that will let out energy for growth.
    
    This is the rise of deputies to the higher level of mastering parliamentarian profession. This is the special nature of the previous session, which encourages more intensive activity, since there is virtually the next election campaign looming.
    
    All in all, the overlapping of the mentioned circumstances gives reasons to compare this session with the “honey moon” in relations between the President, the Parliament and the Government. Of course this can only be true on condition that every party abides by though unwritten but so needed code of honor to dampen someone’s possible temptation to adjust the so-called majority to own needs and with its help to impose one’s will on Verkhovna Rada. It is no secret that in the polarized, variegated parliament deputies can be lured to such arithmetic majority only by gifts or unassuming “assistance” of the law enforcement agencies. The previous practice was unanimously condemned. However, the signed letters on the subject mentioned are going around Verkhovna Rada time and again. The question is what have we been fighting against then?
    
    I want to stress: every prudent proposal of the President and the Government, and it can not be something else by definition, will be met with no less prudent decisions of the Parliament.
    
    The level of support of the Head of State and future Government will be determined by voting results for the candidature of a Prime Minister and Governmental Program of Actions. This is going to be situational but real coalition. Such are realities to proceed from in future. The rest will come after the elections of 2006. I draw special attention to this fact remembering the huge array of bills to be considered and adopted by Verkhovna Rada. First come the codes, which are long overdue to be approved since this also delays implementation of the judicial reform.
    
    In the nearest time proposals on enhancing legislation activity in Ukraine will be submitted to the Parliament. A number of decisions of the President, Verkhovna Rada and the Cabinet of Ministers will be required to exercise such proposals.
    
    In the end I would like to address to you, dear People’s Deputies, to Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine as a body with immense and unique publicity potential.
    
    Practically everything what happens in the session hall under this dome is promptly made public stirring powerful reaction.
    
    Time an again I call upon you that the Parliament always be a power source of constructive and consolidated impulses, that the Parliament radiate energy, confidence and optimism.
    
    We have been doing it in those disconcerting days of November-December last year.
    
    We are able to prove it now when people are waiting for time-motivated decisions and actions from those in power.
    

Publication of 02 5, 2005.